International Journal of Social Science and Business (IJSSB)

Title IX coordinators are uneasy about the work of Title IX. The findings presented display an unexpected lack of consensus about the Title IX concepts which were explored. The lack of consensus very likely represents the uneasiness they feel. However, the research presented here is proof of concept that the Title IX Coordinators’ thinking using interviews to generate a text file for analysis can provide survey-like information. The resulting concepts are necessary to create a multidimensional map to chart a clearer path to Title IX’s potential. The text file analysis results are shown in dendrograms revealing patterns of words, which are neurons firing together. Those neuron patterns are the necessary visual representation needed to proceed to a map. The map presents a representation of neurons developed by proof of concept approach used. The map then leads to messages to improve Title IX coordinators sexual assault prevention training messaging. Key Words: Title IX, Title IX Coordinators, Galileo Theory, Mental Maps, Dendrograms, Text File 1. Introduction 1.1. Title IX has been law since 1972 with the purpose of ushering in equal access to any education program and activity receiving federal money. The act has been amended a number of times over its 50+ years of existence. Title IX work led by Title IX Coordinators, their deputies, and others involved in Title IX on college and university campuses are responsible for Title IX investigations, hearings, counseling, prevention training, and related activities. They are subjects implementation. Furthermore, the literature is not clear on whether or not Title IX works at all. In fact, Jennifer M. Gomez, writing in the journal Violence Against Women, asserts college women experience higher rates of sexual assault on campus since Title IX’s implementation. Therefore, these women are subject to what she calls “institutional betrayal; or more to the point, actions which do not help the victim and in some ways harms the student further (Gomez, 2023). Similarly, the Rape, Abuse, and Incest Network (RAINN) notes “sexual violence on campus is pervasive”, in spite of Title IX protections. RAINN goes on to state that 13% of ALL college students suffer sexual violence in one form or another. Undergraduate and graduate students alike experience sexual violence. The United States Drug Enforcement Administration affirms the RIANN information. 1.2. Title IX has not created hoped for results, as these data show. Catherine Silbaugh (2023) points out that colleges and universities face legal and regulatory repercussions if they do not respond to an assault but no such repercussions result from not reducing the crime. She calls for more or, at least, more focused prevention training but she also notes there are cultural and social barriers which must be overcome in doing so, which may explain some of the findings from evaluations of Title IX training on campuses 2. Title IX Sexual Assault Prevention Literature 2.1. Budd (2019) and colleagues studied patterns of sexual assault on campuses. They report that on campuses, men “lag” behind women in terms of the victimization numbers. These numbers arise from the reporting process of sexual assault such as that studied by Marcantonio, Hunt, and Schisler (2023). They note there are barriers to reporting such as fearing retaliation, thinking nothing serious happened, and not being fully informed about the reporting process. Colleges and universities have reacted to these kinds of situations with more policies and procedures concerning reporting. Bedera (2022) says the result of these policies is that reporting has not been the proactive approach Title IX expansion was intended for. Though federally mandated, protection, reporting, and training have not generated results. In fact, Bedera writes colleges and universities have stronger incentives to maintain the status quo; because, she says sexual violence investigations are disruptive. They bring unwanted attention to the campus which can imperil alumni support and donations! 2.2. Title IX was originally supposed to safeguard female athletes but later expanded coverage through amendments extended coverage of Title IX to females in the student bodies of colleges and universities. Colleges and universities are now required to take prompt and fair or equitable action to help sexual assault victims which produces the disruption Bedera describes. One of the intended outcomes of the actions taken in a sexual violence investigation is to allow the student to benefit as fully as possible from the educational institutions’ educational programs. One-way colleges and universities have approached this area of Title IX work is to establish sexual assault prevention programs on their campuses. While mandated to do training, much of it turns out to be “check the box” training according to Bedera (2022). More importantly, since the training is often “check the box”, it does not take into consideration the way males and females learn; they learn differently according to Worthen and Wallace (2021). Men, they say, are delivered training to reduce the likelihood they will commit an assault while women are delivered training to avoid becoming a victim. As a result, the standard approach or “check the box” training falls short of desired results in learning. 2.3. Sexual assault prevention programs have been subjected to numerous evaluations which have shown limited or mixed results for the most part. Chambers, et. al., (2021) note many studies have shown even changing the delivery method of the training does not produce recognizable differences in results and they cite multiple sources on the point. Blanchard (2018) is cited by Chambers, et. al., concerning training and policies not “ameliorate [ing]” the problem of sexual assault on campuses. Terman (2022) draws on Baldwin who asserted Title IX and Clery Training are no better than misdirected. Terman further found in her research using key informants, that there is a strong sentiment among them that results are elusive. Among the difficulties in delivering sexual violence prevention training is what Budd and Frye (2023; p. Conclusions) call a “long standing problem on college campuses”: social and cultural roots influencing behavior. Given these factors the standard or “check the box” kind of training is certainly never going to deliver needed results. Tinkler (2013) goes even further when he writes sexual harassment training done badly can even make things worse. That kind of training can intensify sexist attitudes leading to social conditions which can foster sexual harassment. 2.4. Azimi, et. al, (2021, p. 46) write that “simply being exposed to prevention programming does not mean that it will translate into intervention behavior – and in fact makes it less likely the individual will intervene under certain conditions”. They further note sexual violence and its prevention should be delivered as part of the Title IX training content from application to admissions, to counseling, to financial assistance, and to other college and university functions; not just to students and faculty. The omission of such information is what they term a “weakness” in the training. 2.5. Katie M. Edwards, et. al, published research about sexual assault prevention programs. Their article is entitled “Measurement Tools to Assess Relationship Abuse and Sexual Assault Prevention Program Effectiveness Among Youth”. Their tools are to be used for evaluating Sexual Assault Prevention Programs. The tools date from 2018 and seem not to have been widely adopted; thus creating, a greater weakness in training content, further allowing bad training and its consequences to continue. 2.6. An article written Adrienne Baldwin-White and Karen Moses entitled “A Multisession Evaluation of Sexual Assault Prevention Education: The Unique Effects of Program Participation” was aimed at examining the results of sexual assault training. The